An overview of North-East India - BRIG GEN (RETD) M. SAKHAWAT HUSSAIN

[VognoDuut750]

An overview of North-East India

BRIG GEN (RETD) M. SAKHAWAT HUSSAIN

Hanns Seidal Foundation (HSF), Islamabad, a Pakistan-based German
organistaion arranged a South Asian Seminar in co-operation with Islamabad
Policy Research Institute (IPRI) on 1-2 February 2006. The topic designated
was "Political Violence and Terrorism in South Asia". Almost all South Asian
(SE) countries were represented. Besides SE, there was a representation each
from Afghanistan and Singapore.

India was represented by two of the prominent journalists cum think tank,
Mr. Prem Shankar Jha and Mr. Sanjoy Hazarika, an expert on North-East Indian
(NEI) issues. For obvious reasons I was more interested in Mr. Hazarika's
paper "Violent Separatist Movements in North East India and Counter Measures
of the State" than others though each one of the papers was full of
interesting information, and included candid discussion on Balochistan and
Waziristan - the anti-al Qaida operation being conducted by Pakistan defence
forces in collaboration with US forces. The civil society in Pakistan
remains critical of Pakistani government for its short-term measures in
tackling what seems to be political issue in Balochistan and social issue in
Waziristan. They are also unhappy about military actions taken in both
places instead of resolving the problems politically to achieve long-term
positive result.

Be it as it may, as mentioned in my initial remark, Mr. Sanjoy's paper
interested me the most for a few reasons. Firstly, the paper had reference
of Bangladesh; secondly, the paper in its entirety dealt with current NEI
issues that somehow the Indian authority feels Bangladesh is involved in. We
are concerned with development in NEI as it touches our own security.
Thirdly, for the reason that the subject was straight from a speaker whose
credential as NEI expert is beyond any doubt and a local NE Indian himself,
therefore, the paper was not only diligent but as authentic as it could be.

Mr. Hazarika is an internationally acclaimed researcher currently involved
in Delhi-based 'Centre for Policy Research' and is at the same time
columnist of The Statesman and former member of Indian Security Council.
Fourthly, his paper preceded mine entitled "Political Violence and Terrorism
in South Asia: in Bangladeshi Perspective" that also had reference to
continuous insinuation against Bangladesh by Delhi. Delhi particularly
blames Bangladesh and makes allegations like sheltering NEI separatists and
endeavouring to create religious extremism in Asom's five Muslim majority
districts.

Many prominent Indian think tanks, supported by Indian government,
continuously chastise the government of Bangladesh for fomenting unrest in
these districts with the help of illegal Bangladeshi Muslim settlers in
collusion with Pakistan's ISI. Mind boggling accusations. Bangladesh is not
a power of any measure that can support such luxurious mischief against a
neighbour as giant as India.

On the contrary, bombs had been falling on Bangladeshis and suicide squads
threatened its own stability. Surprisingly most raw materials used by these
terrorists were of Indian origin passed through penetrable Indian borders.

These particular quarters of think tank continuously propagate both within
and outside India that Bangladesh is in unison with Pakistani intelligence
ISI to destabilise NEI with the ultimate aim of annexing it as part of a
scheme to realise greater Bangladesh. A perception as illogical and
fallacious as it could be. This kind of rhetoric changes gear with the
change of ruling party in Dhaka. It is not so true about changes in Delhi.
That sets out wrong signal to the Bangladeshis who happen to be divided in
line with conflicting political ideology. In fact these few districts of
Asom, which are mentioned again and again as adjacent to Bangladesh had been
Muslim majority area much before partition of India in 1947. Historically,
Asom or Assam had been part of colonial Indian Bengal administration for a
long time and large migration did take place much before Assam was separated
from Bengal administration.

In the above context, though Mr. Sanjoy's paper did not blame Bangladesh
directly nor for the increase in Muslim population in those areas as Mr.
Jaideep Saikia and others did, but he mentioned the Indian accusation both
as regards illegal migration and sheltering separatists. Interestingly, Mr.
Sanjoy's paper acknowledged the deep-rooted insurgency in NEI mentioning
them 'separatists' and 'separatists organisations' instead of 'terrorist' or
'terrorist organisation' as other Indian analysts would put it. He candidly
admitted that the separatist movement in NEI is the oldest in the region and
much more complicated than the much-hyped Kashmir issue.

According to his paper, not only that NEI has divergent ethnical mix but
almost every state is infested with small and large insurgent groups
fighting Indian authority for decades. According to him there are 30 large
groups in existence but as per Indian intelligence review there are 130
large and small groups in operation. Some of these represent larger section
of people who remain socio-politically deprived within the Indian Union.
However, it is not number of organisations that is of paramount importance
but the fact that almost every state is besieged with separatist elements
challenging the presence of hundreds of thousands of security forces
operating with impunity that violation of human rights is rationalised as
operational expediency.

Mr. Sanjoy projects the historical evidence that oldest and one of the
longest fought separatist movement of South Asia is the 'Nagalim Movement'
which still remains unresolved. In fact the Naga movement is considered to
be the mother of all insurgency in South Asia. Though the movement has gone
through radical changes and transformation but it still remains a prime
concern of India as the movement has husbanded all other separatist
organisation within that region. The Naga Movement, that started in 1929 for
a separate homeland led by Dr. Angami Zapu Phizo and his NNC (Naga National
Council), still continues. Currently it is Nationalist Socialist Council for
Nagaland [NSCN (I-M)] led by Mr. Isak Chishi and T. Muhiva are the present
forerunner of the fight though the other faction out of original
organisation, NSCN ( Khaplan), a pro agreement group has become less
significant. It is in these ambit that expert like Sanjoy also agrees that
Naga Movement is the mother of all separatist movements in NEI.

Therefore, one is tempted to suggest that a brief background of the Naga
struggle is to be comprehended if one has to understand North-East Indian
tangle in which, for all geo-political reasons directly or indirectly,
Bangladesh remains a factor. Indian historians and strategists while
discussing Bangladesh's liberation war categorically mention that the very
geo-strategic location of Bangladesh vis-à-vis NEI was one of the prime
factors in India's strategic decision to help liberate the people of the
then East Pakistan, now Bangladesh.

More to follow

[Torpedo]

...with the underview of Prophet Mohammad's pork balls.

Post by VognoDuut750
An overview of North-East India
BRIG GEN (RETD) M. SAKHAWAT HUSSAIN
Hanns Seidal Foundation (HSF), Islamabad, a Pakistan-based German
organistaion arranged a South Asian Seminar in co-operation with Islamabad
Policy Research Institute (IPRI) on 1-2 February 2006. The topic designated
was "Political Violence and Terrorism in South Asia". Almost all South Asian
(SE) countries were represented. Besides SE, there was a representation each
from Afghanistan and Singapore.
India was represented by two of the prominent journalists cum think tank,
Mr. Prem Shankar Jha and Mr. Sanjoy Hazarika, an expert on North-East Indian
(NEI) issues. For obvious reasons I was more interested in Mr. Hazarika's
paper "Violent Separatist Movements in North East India and Counter Measures
of the State" than others though each one of the papers was full of
interesting information, and included candid discussion on Balochistan and
Waziristan - the anti-al Qaida operation being conducted by Pakistan defence
forces in collaboration with US forces. The civil society in Pakistan
remains critical of Pakistani government for its short-term measures in
tackling what seems to be political issue in Balochistan and social issue in
Waziristan. They are also unhappy about military actions taken in both
places instead of resolving the problems politically to achieve long-term
positive result.
Be it as it may, as mentioned in my initial remark, Mr. Sanjoy's paper
interested me the most for a few reasons. Firstly, the paper had reference
of Bangladesh; secondly, the paper in its entirety dealt with current NEI
issues that somehow the Indian authority feels Bangladesh is involved in. We
are concerned with development in NEI as it touches our own security.
Thirdly, for the reason that the subject was straight from a speaker whose
credential as NEI expert is beyond any doubt and a local NE Indian himself,
therefore, the paper was not only diligent but as authentic as it could be.
Mr. Hazarika is an internationally acclaimed researcher currently involved
in Delhi-based 'Centre for Policy Research' and is at the same time
columnist of The Statesman and former member of Indian Security Council.
Fourthly, his paper preceded mine entitled "Political Violence and Terrorism
in South Asia: in Bangladeshi Perspective" that also had reference to
continuous insinuation against Bangladesh by Delhi. Delhi particularly
blames Bangladesh and makes allegations like sheltering NEI separatists and
endeavouring to create religious extremism in Asom's five Muslim majority
districts.
Many prominent Indian think tanks, supported by Indian government,
continuously chastise the government of Bangladesh for fomenting unrest in
these districts with the help of illegal Bangladeshi Muslim settlers in
collusion with Pakistan's ISI. Mind boggling accusations. Bangladesh is not
a power of any measure that can support such luxurious mischief against a
neighbour as giant as India.
On the contrary, bombs had been falling on Bangladeshis and suicide squads
threatened its own stability. Surprisingly most raw materials used by these
terrorists were of Indian origin passed through penetrable Indian borders.
These particular quarters of think tank continuously propagate both within
and outside India that Bangladesh is in unison with Pakistani intelligence
ISI to destabilise NEI with the ultimate aim of annexing it as part of a
scheme to realise greater Bangladesh. A perception as illogical and
fallacious as it could be. This kind of rhetoric changes gear with the
change of ruling party in Dhaka. It is not so true about changes in Delhi.
That sets out wrong signal to the Bangladeshis who happen to be divided in
line with conflicting political ideology. In fact these few districts of
Asom, which are mentioned again and again as adjacent to Bangladesh had been
Muslim majority area much before partition of India in 1947. Historically,
Asom or Assam had been part of colonial Indian Bengal administration for a
long time and large migration did take place much before Assam was separated
from Bengal administration.
In the above context, though Mr. Sanjoy's paper did not blame Bangladesh
directly nor for the increase in Muslim population in those areas as Mr.
Jaideep Saikia and others did, but he mentioned the Indian accusation both
as regards illegal migration and sheltering separatists. Interestingly, Mr.
Sanjoy's paper acknowledged the deep-rooted insurgency in NEI mentioning
them 'separatists' and 'separatists organisations' instead of 'terrorist' or
'terrorist organisation' as other Indian analysts would put it. He candidly
admitted that the separatist movement in NEI is the oldest in the region and
much more complicated than the much-hyped Kashmir issue.
According to his paper, not only that NEI has divergent ethnical mix but
almost every state is infested with small and large insurgent groups
fighting Indian authority for decades. According to him there are 30 large
groups in existence but as per Indian intelligence review there are 130
large and small groups in operation. Some of these represent larger section
of people who remain socio-politically deprived within the Indian Union.
However, it is not number of organisations that is of paramount importance
but the fact that almost every state is besieged with separatist elements
challenging the presence of hundreds of thousands of security forces
operating with impunity that violation of human rights is rationalised as
operational expediency.
Mr. Sanjoy projects the historical evidence that oldest and one of the
longest fought separatist movement of South Asia is the 'Nagalim Movement'
which still remains unresolved. In fact the Naga movement is considered to
be the mother of all insurgency in South Asia. Though the movement has gone
through radical changes and transformation but it still remains a prime
concern of India as the movement has husbanded all other separatist
organisation within that region. The Naga Movement, that started in 1929 for
a separate homeland led by Dr. Angami Zapu Phizo and his NNC (Naga National
Council), still continues. Currently it is Nationalist Socialist Council for
Nagaland [NSCN (I-M)] led by Mr. Isak Chishi and T. Muhiva are the present
forerunner of the fight though the other faction out of original
organisation, NSCN ( Khaplan), a pro agreement group has become less
significant. It is in these ambit that expert like Sanjoy also agrees that
Naga Movement is the mother of all separatist movements in NEI.
Therefore, one is tempted to suggest that a brief background of the Naga
struggle is to be comprehended if one has to understand North-East Indian
tangle in which, for all geo-political reasons directly or indirectly,
Bangladesh remains a factor. Indian historians and strategists while
discussing Bangladesh's liberation war categorically mention that the very
geo-strategic location of Bangladesh vis-à-vis NEI was one of the prime
factors in India's strategic decision to help liberate the people of the
then East Pakistan, now Bangladesh.
More to follow

[n***@bigmailbox.net]

Post by VognoDuut750
An overview of North-East India

http://web.amnesty.org/library/index/engasa130032004

Bangladesh
Chittagong Hill Tracts: A Call for Justice


Introduction


More than six years after the signing of the Chittagong Hill Tracts
Peace Accord, the tribal inhabitants of the area continue to live in
fear of attacks from Bengali settlers often carried out with the
apparent connivance of army personnel. This paper highlights one of
these attacks which took place in August 2003 in the Mahalchari area of

the Khagrachari District. According to testimonies given to Amnesty
International by eyewitnesses, nine women were sexually assaulted, one
of whom was subjected to gang rape; a man was killed in front of his
family, a nine month old baby was strangled to death and several people

sustained serious injuries; hundreds of houses were burnt down and
dozens were looted.


According to witnesses, police initially refused to accept complaints
from the tribal people but filed complaints on behalf of the Bengali
settlers against thousands of tribal inhabitants of the area,
highlighting long standing discriminatory practices in the
administration of justice.


The Government of Bangladesh must take urgent and decisive measures to
provide justice to the victims and survivors of the Mahalchari attack,
and to ensure the protection of the tribal inhabitants of the
Chittagong Hill Tracts against future attacks.


Background


The Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) is a hilly, forested area in
southeastern Bangladesh which for many hundreds of years has been home
to people from 13 indigenous tribes. These tribal people differ
significantly from the rest of the population of Bangladesh in terms of

their appearance, language, religion and social organisation.


Pressure for land to cultivate and encouragement from successive
governments have led to the migration of large numbers of non-tribal
Bengali people to the CHT. Tribal people have viewed the movement of
Bengali settlers to the CHT as a threat to their way of life and their
customs and traditions.


Armed rebellion in the Chittagong Hill Tracts began in mid-1970s. A
peace accord signed in 1997 ended the armed conflict, but human rights
violations against the tribal people which began during the armed
conflict have continued on a smaller scale.


In Amnesty International's view, the failure of the peace accord to
make binding provisions to ensure that those responsible for human
rights abuses would be brought to justice, has reinforced the climate
of impunity within which attacks by Bengali settlers against tribal
people with reported army connivance continue to occur.


For more information, please see Amnesty International Bangladesh:
Human Rights in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (AI Index: ASA 13/001/2000)
available at www.amnesty.org/library


A Chronology of the incident at Mahalchari


On 24 August 2003, Rupan Mahajan, a Bengali Hindu businessman living in

the area was allegedly kidnapped by individuals believed to be tribal
inhabitants of the CHT. The identity or background of the group or
exact circumstances of his kidnapping are not known to Amnesty
International.


On 25 August 2003, a large group of Bengali people reportedly held a
gathering in the area and issued an ultimatum that they would take
retaliatory action against the tribal people if the businessman was not

returned. The tribal people reportedly offered to conduct a search to
find the businessman's whereabouts. A search for this purpose was
reportedly conducted on the same day by a tribal leader, but his search

party was unable to locate the kidnapped businessman. Meanwhile, the
Bengali settlers had reportedly begun a public agitation against the
tribal inhabitants. They called for a general strike the next day.


On 26 August 2003, at about 9am, Bengali settlers reportedly went to
the Mahalchari Bazaar and demanded the closure of all shops in
observance of the strike. Some of the tribal people refused to abide by

these demands and several of them chased the settlers off.


Shortly after that, a group of Bengali settlers returned in the company

of men in plain clothes, known to the tribal people as soldiers. The
settlers again demanded that the tribals close their shops. They went
to a tea stall which was still open and asked its owner, Binud Bihari
Khisha, to close it. He refused and was attacked. This attack
reportedly happened in the presence of the soldiers. According to
witnesses, he appealed to the soldiers for help, but they did not
intervene. In a desperate attempt to rescue him, his son ran to his
father but could not reach him as he was himself attacked with a sharp
knife known as a dao. The settlers continued to beat Binud Bihari
Khisha who died as a result of the injuries he sustained.


The attackers set fire to the tea stall and the office of the Chairman
of Mahalchari Sadar Union Parishad which was next to the tea stall.
They then rampaged through village localities reportedly setting houses

on fire, looting, killing and torturing tribal people on their way.


The village of Mahalchari Bazaar was looted and according to a
survivor, some 70% of the houses there were burnt and six women were
reportedly sexually assaulted; their clothes were ripped off their
bodies and they were verbally abused, pushed and ill-treated.


A neighbouring village called Ramesu Karbari Para, was reportedly
completely burnt.


In the village of Kerenganala similar lootings occurred and houses were

burnt indiscriminately. Kala Sona Chakma, a forty-year-old woman,
intervened to save her daughter and grandson who were being beaten by
settlers. The woman took her grandson from her daughter and ran,
allowing her daughter to also escape. Down the road she was reportedly
surrounded by settlers among whom were some soldiers in civilian
clothes. Her nine-month-old grandson, Kiriton, was taken from her arms
and strangled to death. She was then gang raped by five settlers in the

presence of soldiers. Her daughter hiding a few meters away reportedly
saw both the killing of her son and the rape of her mother.


Amongst other villages that came under attack were: Basamtapura,
Samilpura, Durparjyanala and Lemonchari.


In total, on that day it was reported that, one man was killed, one
baby was strangled to death, one woman was raped, eight women were
molested and many other tribal people were injured and humiliated; 312
houses are alleged to have been burnt; 68 houses to have been looted
but not burnt and four temples to have been ransacked.


When the tribal people went to register cases against the Bengali
settlers at the Mahalchari police station, police refused to register
them. Ultimately, after the Khagrachari court gave a court order,
police filed two cases against the Bengali settlers. The Officer in
Charge of Mahalchari Thana himself filed a case on behalf of the
settlers accusing some 4,000 tribal people of attacking the settlers.


A legacy of impunity


During the armed conflict that began in the mid-1970s, the tribal
residents of the Chittagong Hill Tracts were the targets of massacres,
arbitrary detention, torture and extrajudicial executions. The main
perpetrators were law enforcement personnel and groups close to the
army within the Bengali settlers' community. The armed opposition was
also responsible for human rights abuses during this period.


On occasions the government announced that criminal investigation had
started against some security personnel but none is known to have
resulted in conviction in a court of law. Consequently an environment
of impunity has prevailed.


There have been several reports since the Mahalchari incident pointing
to the continued connivance of army personnel with Bengali settlers in
attacks against the tribal people. Amnesty International is currently
investigating these reports. They include allegations of detention and
torture of several tribal men at an army cantonment on 26 February 2004

after these tribal men had intervened to rescue two other tribal men
who were being attacked by Bengali settlers in Ruma Thana area in
Bandardan District.


These incidents illustrate continued human rights violations against
tribal people and a prevailing climate of impunity after the end of the

armed conflict and the signing of the peace accord in 1997.


The attack against the tribal inhabitants of Mahalchari in August 2003
is another example of the failure of consecutive governments over the
years to ensure the protection and promotion of the human rights of the

tribal people in the Chittagong Hill Tracts.


Amnesty International's Concerns and Recommendations


Amnesty International does not condone incidents of criminal activity
such as the alleged kidnapping of Rupan Mahajan. It is the
responsibility of the government to investigate such offences and take
legal action against those responsible. It is, however, a matter of
concern when authorities allow people to take the law into their own
hands and subject individuals to acts of human rights abuse. In the
case of the Mahalchari incident an entire locality became the target of

retaliatory measures. The local administration not only failed to
protect the tribal communities, but also there are serious allegations
that soldiers in plain clothes were in fact involved in acts of looting

and rape.


Amnesty International continues to be concerned about the climate of
impunity surrounding human rights violations by security personnel in
the Chittagong Hill Tracts. Human rights violations are perpetuated by
the lack of legal measures taken against those acting in an official
capacity. As long as perpetrators are not brought to justice and do not

face punishment for their actions, human rights violations are likely
to continue.


Amnesty International urges the Government of Bangladesh to institute
an independent and impartial investigation by a competent authority
into the attacks against tribal people in Mahalchari. The ...